Ziyavudin Magomedov and his older brother Magomed, co-owners of the Suma group, are accused of embezzlement on an especially large scale (the investigation estimates the damage in 2.5 billion rubles) and the organization of the criminal community. They are arrested until May 30, are held in the remand prison "Lefortovo".
Magomedov built their business in the classical scenario of post-Soviet Russia: they began with the sale of electrical engineering and computers. Gradually, business was gaining momentum: the bank, oil trading, port business, agriculture. Over time, the main assets went under the management of the "Sum" group. "Amount" is a closed structure, it does not disclose not only its financial performance, but even the shareholders' shares. In 2012, Ziyavudin Magomedov, in an interview with Vedomosti, called only revenue - about $ 10 billion.
"I accept all the basic business decisions myself, but, of course, I consult [with my brother Magomed]," he said. A person familiar with brothers claims that Magomed was the generator of business ideas, and Ziyavudin embodied them. In 2002, Magomed Magomedov became a senator from the Smolensk region (he remained until 2009), and his younger brother was in fact managing the business.
Dormitory, computers and bank
Magomed and Ziyavudin were born in Dagestan in a wealthy family: my mother is a teacher, my father is a surgeon. In addition to them, there were two other children in the family.
Both graduated from the Economics Faculty of Moscow State University. During the study, Ziyavudin's neighbor in the hostel was Ruben Vardanyan (the future founder of the "Troika Dialog"), together with him the current vice-premier Arkady Dvorkovich studied. Ziyavudin Magomedov did not conceal that he was communicating and even friendly with Dvorkovich ("We are familiar with student days and still friends"), which always gave experts reason to associate the growth of Magomedov's business with the career growth of an official. In 2008-2012, Dvorkovich was an assistant to President Dmitry Medvedev, and since 2012 he oversees, in particular, the fuel and energy complex, industry, agriculture, transport as Deputy Prime Minister Medvedev. Just in these industries, the main assets of the "Sum" group are concentrated. Magomedov himself asked whether he was getting acquainted with Dvorkovich, in 2012 he answered: "In business, I help myself."
But the brothers started earning money back at the university. First, they started selling electrical appliances to Poland, then they traded computers. Business came to a qualitatively different level when Magomed in 1991 got a job in the Union of United Cooperatives and a large foreign economic association Interagro. In 1993, the brothers set up the company "Interfinance": it took the bonds of the domestic foreign currency loan from foreign economic associations, providing them with a fixed yield. "This was the first serious money earned," Ziyavudin Magomedov said. But then there was a collapse of the ruble, and the business almost collapsed. Nevertheless, according to Ziyavudin Magomedov, "Interfinance" obligation was prolonged and by 1995 it was again a plus.
Together with Magomedov, their cousin Ahmed Bilalov worked in Interfinance, in the future - State Duma deputy, member of the Federation Council, vice-president of the Russian Olympic Committee and chairman of the board of directors of the Resorts of the North Caucasus company. After a scandal with the construction of ski jumps for the Olympics in Sochi and the initiation of a criminal case in 2013 Bilalov went abroad.
In the second half of the 90s Magomedov acquired Diamant, Magomed headed its board of directors. Alexey Frenkel became the chairman of the board, who later, in 2008, will be recognized as the customer of the murder of first deputy chairman of the Central Bank Andrey Kozlov and sentenced to 19 years in prison. "He was recommended by one of our classmates," Magomedov recalled.
In 1997, Diamant increased its authorized capital by 7 times to $ 170 million: several additional issues were bought back by large foreign trade associations, Forbes wrote.
But in 1998 a $ 100 million hole was created in the bank, the Magomedovs sold almost all assets and real estate. "But the bank was closed down to zero, having fulfilled all obligations ... ... I always treated philosophically financial losses," said Ziyavudin Magomedov. In 2001, the Central Bank revoked the license from Diamant with the wording "for the repeated violation of the law on banks and banking activities." The bank could cash out, wrote Forbes. Magomedov did not comment on this. "A bank that has not been active for 1.5-2 years obviously could not help calling the attention of the Central Bank and other regulatory bodies," he explained.
Neftotrading, seaport and shipping company
In the oil trading Magomedov came thanks to the "Diamond". In 1997, they received about 6% of Nizhnevartovskneftegaz (production - 19.8 million tons) - these shares were pledged for a loan in a bank that the company did not return. "We got shares for a penny," said Ziyavudin Magomedov. So they engaged in trade in oil and oil products.
In the early 2000's. began their cooperation with Transneft. At that time, the company was headed by Semyon Vainshtok. First, several small construction projects appeared, and serious relations began when the brothers bought land in Primorsk. Later, the Primorsk Trade Port on the Baltic Sea was built there - the end point of the Baltic Pipeline System. Cooperation with Transneft continued after the company was headed in 2007 by Nikolai Tokarev. In 2010 Magomedov together with Transneft buy 50.1% of shares in the largest Russian port operator in terms of cargo turnover - the Novorossiysk Commercial Sea Port (NCSP) from the structure of Arkady Rotenberg, Alexander Ponomarenko and Alexander Skorobogatko. The deal was valued at $ 2 billion. In addition, Transneft owns another 10.5% of NCSP.
"Our relationship with Transneft is one of the most successful examples of public-private partnership," Magomedov said in 2012. But the companies' cooperation in NCSP was not smooth. They had disagreements over the port development strategy, and in 2014 an idea arose to divide up NCSP's assets: the state company was supposed to receive oil terminals, and Suma was dry cargo. Negotiations dragged on, then Transneft even considered the possibility of withdrawing from the port's capital. But in 2018, she said that, on the contrary, she buys out a share of Suma. The deal was approved by the FAS. It was planned to close it in March, a man familiar with the negotiations said. But on Friday, March 30, Ziyavudin Magomedov was summoned for interrogation and detained, and the next day he and his brother were arrested. At the same time, on March 30, President Vladimir Putin had a meeting with the president of Transneft, Tokarev. Whether the deal was discussed at the meeting with NCSP shares, neither Transneft, nor Putin's spokesman Dmitry Peskov commented. Formally, the arrest of the Magomedovs does not limit their legal capacity, does not affect the legal status of their stake in NCSP, which can be sold and transferred to management only if the owner has the will, explains managing partner of the Criminal Code "Law and Business" Alexander Pakhomov. But Transneft said it had suspended negotiations with Sumy. Although the representative of the state company specifies: "We still have interest in increasing the share in the capital of Novorossiysk port."
It is with NCSP that one of the most common versions of the attack on Magomedov is connected. To acquire the company's shares in 2013, Rosneft claimed: Chief Executive Officer Igor Sechin appealed to President Putin with a request to sell this state-owned state-owned 25% of NCSP. In January 2014, Sechin asked Prime Minister Medvedev to issue additional shares of NCSP in favor of Rosneft. However, she did not manage to become a shareholder. Therefore, according to one version, it was Rosneft that could be interested in disrupting Transneft's deal with Sum.
Another transport asset of Magomedov is the transport company Fesco. "Sum" owns 32% of the parent company of the holding - the Far Eastern Shipping Company. Fesco includes a port in Vladivostok, 19 ships, five terminals, a fleet of containers and wagons. In addition, Fesco manages 25.07% of Transcontainer, a major container carrier in Russia.
"Sum" participated in many construction projects. Her "daughter" "Stroynovatsiya" won tenders for the construction of sections of the oil pipelines of the Baltic Pipeline System - 2, Eastern Siberia - Pacific Ocean, the Caspian Pipeline Company. After a series of scandals with the prolonged reconstruction of the Bolshoi Theater, Magomedovs acquired SUIProekt, the general contractor of the project. The cost of reconstruction of the Accounting Chamber was estimated at 35.4 billion rubles. "I have not earned money on this project," said Ziyavudin Magomedov. "They did not even go out into the open, but by doing what I did, I'm happy."
Due to large orders Magomedov fall into the Forbes rating "Kings of the state order": the last time in 2015, the amount of the masters was 49.4 billion rubles. Rosaviatsia, Rosavtodor, "IDGC of Siberia", RAO "ES of the East" were among the customers.
The main claims of the investigation to Magomedov concern just the contract works, including the construction of the 35,000th stadium Kaliningrad, which will host four matches of the World Cup. The stadium is built on a marshy area on the October Island, in the alignment of the rivers Staraya and Novaya Pregola. The territory next to the stadium will be a new microdistrict in the center of Kaliningrad, Governor of the Kaliningrad region Anton Alikhanov told Vedomosti in December 2017.
However, in 2012, the chairman of the district council of deputies of Kaliningrad, Alexander Pyatikop, said that the island is not suitable for construction, since it will take "crazy money" to strengthen the soil. At this point, no one built houses above the country houses, confirms the local official.
"GlobalElectroservice" - a subsidiary of the "Summa" group - was just preparing a site for the construction of the stadium. In 2013, he received a contract for 752 million rubles. But, according to the investigation, used sand, which did not meet the technical requirements. Strengthen the ground was the main contractor of the object - "Crocus Group" Aras Agalarov spent more than 1 billion rubles on this, a person close to the company told. Agalarov declared to RBC that he can not start construction because of poor quality of the soil. "GlobalElectroservice" claims rejected. In 2014 the investigative committee of the Kaliningrad region initiated a criminal case on the theft of more than 500 million rubles. when building a stadium. And in July of this year, former Minister of Construction of the region Amir Kushkhov and top manager of GlobalElectroservice Khachim Eristov were arrested on the case. Measures to protect the territory of the island of October from flooding and flooding have been carried out in full, finishing interior and landscaping around the sports arena, said a representative of the Government of the Kaliningrad region.
"Magomedov systematically ousted from the field of road repair and construction, the quality of their work did not always meet the necessary requirements," say two officials. "But they were finding ways to get new contracts." Negotiations and business people of Magomedov were tough, says a top manager of one of the subcontractors who worked with the company Intex (Sumy structure) at the construction site of the stadium in Kazan (it was commissioned in 2013 for the Universiade). "Our company had a contract with Intex for several billion rubles. Closer to the delivery of the object, "Inteks" began to delay payments and began to redistribute to other subcontractors the most marginal part of our contract, "he says. Part of the work was not paid for, "this was the beginning of the death of our company," complains Vedomosti interlocutor.
Two acquaintances with the top managers of Suma and the United Grain Company (OZK) say that one of the episodes of the criminal case against Magomedov is connected with the OZK - one of the largest infrastructure projects in the Russian agro-industrial complex. "Sum" bought a blocking stake in it during privatization.
OZK was established at the end of 2009 on the basis of FSUE "Agency for Regulation of the Food Market" for the development and regulation of the Russian grain market, as well as for realizing the export potential of Russian grain on the world market. As a contribution to the charter capital of the OZK, the government handed over blocks of shares to about 30 enterprises, among which was the pearl of the Russian grain infrastructure - the Novorossiysk Bakery Plant (NCCP), the country's largest terminal for grain transshipment. In addition, the OC performs the functions of an agent for the management of the state grain intervention fund: as of April 2, 2018, it has almost 4 million tons of grain worth 36.4 billion rubles.
The OCS was decided to be partially privatized seven years ago, and not by traditional means - by selling existing shares to a private investor - but through an additional issue of the company's shares. The deal suggested that 50% plus 1 share will remain state. The corresponding decree of the then Russian President Medvedev was signed on November 7, 2011.
"Sum" from the outset was listed as a favorite. Six months before the signing of the decree on the privatization of the OZK, the structures of Sumy bought almost 30% of NCCP shares for more than 1 billion rubles. owner of grain trader WJ Group Yuri Drucker and his partners (the controlling stake of NCCP belonged to the OCT). Through the NCCP and the Novorossiysk grain terminal (part of NCSP), about one-third of all Russian grain is exported, Andrei Sizov, director of the SOVECON analytical center, recalls.
But "Summa" was not the only contender. Applications were filed by Rusagro GC Vadim Moshkovich, agroholding Kuban Oleg Deripaska, grain trader Louis Dreyfus, Bio-ton company and Neftegazindustriya. Only the "Sum" and "Rusagro" had the right to make a mandatory offer - the experience of other applicants in the grain market was not enough. As a result, "Summa" made the best offer and became the owner of 50% minus 1 share of OZK for 6 billion rubles.
After the "Sum" became the second after the state shareholder of the OZK, the company was replaced by six general directors. And three of them left the company in connection with the investigation of criminal cases, two people who are close to the company know. The representative of the OC does not comment on this.
Last week, the OZK seized documents, Vedomosti interlocutors say. Investigators learn what the company's money was spent on. According to another interlocutor, the investigators were interested in the history of 2012-2013, namely, cooperation with the company Newbey Investments. Magomedov at the court assured that he repeatedly drew the attention of law enforcement agencies to the results of an audit conducted in the OC after he became a shareholder of the company: according to his results, the company's loss amounted to 1.5 billion rubles, accounts receivable - 3 billion rubles. At the same time, according to the sources of Vedomosti, there are no questions to the privatization procedure in the investigation.
Gas and telecommunications
In 2007, "Sum" acquired the Yakutsk Fuel and Energy Company (YATEK) - a large player in the market of gas and gasoline fuel for Yakutia by the standards of Yakutia. In 2016, the company produced 1.7 billion cubic meters. m of gas, the total reserves are estimated at 400 billion cubic meters. The company could increase gas production, but there is no demand for it in the republic, and there is no access to the gas transportation system that would allow it to be shipped outside of Yakutia. In autumn 2017, YATEK reported that it had found a way to monetize its reserves, for this, it would like to build a gas chemical complex for the production of methanol. In January, "Summa" reported that as a partner plans to involve the Chinese CEFC in the project. However, this company, which also claims to buy 14% of Rosneft, is currently experiencing funding problems.
With the telecommunications business, Summa has not developed at all. In 2006, the company received licenses for wireless Internet access in the WiMax standard, but it was not able to build this business - there were problems with the use of frequencies. In 2016 it became known that the "Summa" group included the "Sum Telecom" operator. This is an Internet provider, working in 10 cities of Russia, according to the company's website. TMT Consulting estimates the subscriber base of Summa Telecom at the end of the first quarter of 2018 to a total of 114,000 subscribers.
The arrest of Magomedov can be connected with a large-scale sweep of power structures in Dagestan, some experts believe.
In January, a group of the Prosecutor General's Office arrived in Dagestan, which began the inspection of the authorities. More than 70 criminal cases were initiated. As a result of the power operation, new information could appear in Dagestan, which became the reason for the arrest of the Magomedovs, the former federal official believes: "The Magomedovs had interests in the republic." A direct link between the power operation in Dagestan and the arrest of the Magomedovs is difficult to find, Vedomosti's interlocutor in the leadership of Dagestan does not agree. They had authority in the republic, they supported the youth, created a business incubator "Peri Innovation" to support start-ups, he says: "They had influence in the region, but no one could interfere. In 2010 Magomed Magomedov was considered as one of the candidates for the post of head of the republic. But they had no serious interest in Dagestan. " The Magomedovs did a lot for Dagestan, says United Russia representative Umakhan Umakhanov, representing the republic in the State Duma: they were engaged in kindergartens, schools, hospitals. In the region everyone knows them and now people are shocked by accusations in the media - they come and ask why such an injustice, says the deputy.
The detention of Magomedov puts Medvedev in an ambiguous position, political scientist Mikhail Vinogradov said: "The situation is no less ambiguous than it was after the arrest [of Economic Development Minister Alexei] Ulyukaev. This testing of the positions of Medvedev, Dvorkovich, for both of them the situation is sensitive. " When people who are associated with Dvorkovich and Medvedev begin the activity of law enforcement agencies, "and in an intensely harsh manner," this has at least a public impact on personnel decisions, political scientist Yevgeny Minchenko agrees: "It is clear that this is an image strike against the prime minister, minister - although Medvedev's reassignment scenario is considered basic, perhaps other elite groups have a different view on this.