In the case of the Magomedov brothers, a trace of Medvedev surfaced

The court hearing in the case of co-owners of the Summa group Ziyavudin and Magomed Magomedov will be held on December 30.
Origin source
Recall that with the investigation of the activities of this particular company, the “business” of the Magomedovs began.

Dividend from Dvorkovich

When students of the Faculty of Economics of Moscow State University, Arkady Dvorkovich and Ziyavudin Magomedov shared a room in a dormitory. After Dvorkovich first became the assistant to President Dmitry Medvedev, and then vice-premier in his government, Magomedov’s fortune grew to $ 1.4 billion, and, taking into account the accounts of his relatives, exceeded $ 2.2 billion. Especially rapid growth was observed during the presidency of Medvedev - from $ 70 to $ 750 million.

Ziyavudin and his elder brother Magomed started, like many at that time, with the sale of household electrical equipment and computers. Ziyavudin was responsible for finances and made strategic decisions. Magomed solved problems with the authorities and the fraternities claiming to cover the business. In the first half of the 90s, the brothers reached a new level: they successfully speculated in vouchers and bonds of an internal foreign currency loan at Interfinance. Then, cousins ​​enter into their business: Ahmed and Magomed Bilalov.

Together with another classmate of Ziyavudin, Alexei Frenkel, the Magomedovs created the Diamant Bank, which was engaged in cashing money. “Diamond” quickly went bankrupt, and Frenkel subsequently received 19 years for organizing the assassination of Central Bank Deputy Chairman Andrei Kozlov, who had just fought against illegal cashing. Officially, his Caucasian partners did not appear in the case at that time - they were attracted to politics.

The expansion of the business required representation in government, and the brothers resolutely moved there. In 1999-2007, Akhmed Bilalov sits in the State Duma from the United Russia faction, and then represents Smolensk in the Federation Council. Magomed Magomedov in 2002-2009 - in the upper house on behalf of the residents of the Smolensk region, after which he becomes adviser to the Speaker of the Federation Council Sergei Mironov. But the clan's main political resource was Arkady Dvorkovich, whose career at the turn of the millennium made a sharp leap. In 2000, Arkady became adviser to the Minister of Economic Development and Trade German Gref, a year later - his deputy, in 2004 - the head of the expert department of President Putin and from May 13, 2008 - an assistant to President Medvedev.

Dividends from a university buddy arrived quickly. In July 2009, the main enterprise of the Magomedovs, the Summa Capital company (subsequently the Summa group) became the general contractor for the reconstruction of the Bolshoi Theater in Moscow. Ziyavudin Magomedov is a member of the board of trustees of the theater, whose co-chair is the husband of Medvedev’s press secretary Natalya Timakova, Alexander Budberg. He represented Magomedov on the board of the Bolshoi Theater Fund.

The result of such careful monitoring of the progress of work by a person close to the head of state is known. Announcing the completion of the work, the Minister of Culture of the Russian Federation Alexander Avdeev said that their value exceeded 20 billion rubles, because brick and cement went up in price. The Accounts Chamber verifies the restoration and issues a verdict: 35.4 billion was spent, but the estimate is not exceeded.

The bookkeepers were bashfully silent about the quality, but the soloist of the Bolshoi Theater was told in detail by the People's Artist of Russia Nikolai Tsiskaridze. In an interview with Rain, he mentioned windowless make-up rooms, low ceilings, plastic moldings, and much more. As a result, Nicholas was asked from the theater and almost brought to a criminal case. And Ziyavudin subtly “trolled” opponents. “I did not make money on this project,” he told Vedomosti. “They probably didn’t go to zero, but I’m satisfied with what I’ve done.”

Golden Trumpet of Primorsk

Especially useful for Ziyavudin was the presence of Dvorkovich on the board of directors of the “mistress” of the main Russian oil pipelines - the Transneft company. Initially, the president of Transneft, Semyon Vainshtok, was brought out by the Lithuanian-Israeli banker David Kaplan, whose counterparty in Russia was Diamant. However, it was Dvorkovich who fixed the situation, whose apparatus positions made the official a rather influential figure.

“The brothers were in close friendly relations with Arkady Dvorkovich, and this communication did not stop when he was in the chair of the Deputy Prime Minister. How much their well-being depended on Dvorkovich’s decisions is obvious that a conflict of interest was present. We can see from the dynamics that the key contracts with the Magomedovs were concluded precisely at the time when Dvorkovich held a high post, ”Grigory Dobromelov, director of the Institute for Applied Political Studies, explained to the Company.

The Magomedovskaya Stroynovatsiya regularly received orders from Transneft for laying pipelines and more. When Transneft decided to increase the area of ​​the port of Primorsk by closing the Baltic Pipeline Network to it, the necessary piece of land was “accidentally” taken over by Trans-Fleet Magomedovskiy. Of course, it was this modest company, along with other structures of the Dagestan family, that received orders for expanding the port by almost 60 billion rubles.

Revenues from orders allowed the Magomedovs to significantly expand their business. In 2006, their Summa Telecom company received dozens of licenses for GSM and WinMax frequencies, and Slavia acquired a controlling stake in the gas production association Yakutgazprom (now PJSC Yakutsk Fuel and Energy Company (YATEK)). For a company with gas reserves of $ 300 million, Slavia was offered to pay only $ 25 million. Information about the loss-making deal for the authorities of Yakutia forced the Department of Economic Security of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation to begin operational-search measures in connection with the revealed fact of fraud in the acquisition of shares in Yakutgazprom. But while the trial and the case, a new president appeared in Russia, and the investigation stalled.

The Magomedovs success in Primorsk pushed to actively engage in Russian ports. Initially, Transneft remained the Summa’s ally, whose president since 2007 was Vladimir Putin's former colleague in the KGB Dresden residency, Major-General of the State Security Nikolai Tokarev. In January 2011, Summa and Transneft bought out 80% of Kadina Ltd offshore from the British Virgin Islands (the remaining 20% ​​was acquired by the structures of one of Putin's closest associates Arkady Rotenberg).

For Kadina Ltd's 50.1% stake in the Novorossiysk Commercial Sea Port (NCSP), over $ 2.5 billion was paid, but the purchase was worth it. 17% of the total cargo turnover of its seaports passes through the berths of the largest port operator in terms of cargo turnover. After Medvedev’s presidency, the Magomedovs bought a 32.5% stake in the Fesko transport group from the former Minister of Fuel and Energy, Sergei Generalov. The Far Eastern Shipping Company, Vladivostok Commercial Sea Port and 25.07% of the shares of the leading container shipping operator Transkontainer JSC were added to Summa’s assets with it.

A loan of 1.95 billion for the purchase of the Primorsky port, under the expansion of which Ziyavudin so successfully bought the plot, was provided by the former chief of Dvorkovich, the head of Sberbank German Gref. But then came the bandwagon from the owner of the steel lines. The head of Russian Railways, Vladimir Yakunin, strongly opposed bringing the railway line to him. He lobbied a competing port in Ust-Lug, where he headed the board of directors, but could not prevent a neighbor. It was through the Seaside port that almost 20% of oil sold by Russia went abroad, replenishing the accounts of the owners of the berths. In total, up to 70% of Russian oil exports turned out to be under the control of the Magomedovs.

“The Summa Capital company is confidently moving towards the status of one of the largest logistics companies in the world, and the level of influence of its owner Ziyavudin Magomedov is such that in the struggle for assets he manages to bypass even Gennady Timchenko and Arkady Rotenberg,” Kommersant wrote about successes: Amounts ”in March 2012.

Transport noose Novorossiysk

The Novorossiysk grain terminal turned out to be no less valuable for the Magomedovs, through which Krasnodar and Stavropol agrarians export their crops, and, of course, United Grain Company JSC (OZK). After the additional issue of “Sum”, carried out according to the decree of Dmitry Medvedev, for 5.95 billion rubles. acquired 50% without one share in the company with its 12 elevators, 14 grain processing plants and, most importantly, the Novorossiysk bakery products factory. This terminal is slightly inferior to Novorossiysk grain, and almost half of the country's grain export passes through them.

Since other ports are much further, having acquired the OZK in 2012, the Magomedovs became actual monopolists, which they took advantage of. True, by that time Medvedev had gone to the premieres, and Dvorkovich - in his deputies, but at first there was enough such cover. Buying a crop of 5-6 thousand rubles. per ton, Magomedov resold it for 9–9.5 thousand. It is not surprising that OZK revenue already tripled in 2012, reaching 27.1 billion rubles. It was assumed that it will grow even more with the completion of the next grain terminal in the Far East Zarubino.

Prime Minister Medvedev, his deputy Dvorkovich and Minister of Agriculture Alexander Tkachev did not mind. Judging by the toast “for the agrarian lobby”, which Tkachev raised in the company of Arkady Dvorkovich and Natalya Timakova, the interests of the Magomedovs were taken into account - and not only them.

Summa made numerous donations to the Svetlana Medvedeva charity foundation for social and cultural initiatives, and Boris Shumov, the son of Tatiana Shumova, the head of the international programs department of the Foundation, received a place as adviser to Magomedov. In the Krasnodar Territory, which Alexander Tkachev autocratically ruled before being appointed head of the Ministry of Agriculture, the Bilalov Magomed brothers, for the benefit of themselves and their superiors, brought control of the regional housing and communal services represented by Krasnodarteploenergo, the Independent Energy Sales Company (Tkachev’s structures had about a quarter of the shares, and Magomed Bilalov - more than half), Sochivodokanal and the Southern Gas Company.

“There were several key objects that seriously enhanced the capabilities of Sumy. First of all, this is, of course, OZK. The acquisition of the Novorossiysk Commercial Sea Port is also considered a serious promotion of the Magomedovs. They entered this structure together with Russian Railways. In addition, at one time, Summa had serious positions in infrastructure projects and actively entered the IT industry. 2012 was a real peak of the success of the Magomedovs, ”Dmitry Abzalov, president of the Center for Strategic Communications, said in an interview with the Company. Well, the questions with the former hostel neighbor were decided at the chessboard.

Newest Vasyuki

In 2007, Arkady Dvorkovich was elected the first vice-president of the Russian Chess Federation (RCF), which oversees the finances, propaganda and development of children's chess. Magomedov is immediately involved in improving the provision of RCF. Only in 2007-2009, Summa invested more than $ 50 million in the federation; the details of the development of these funds are still unknown. Funding also went through the Responsibility Fund. In 2009, the fund was one of the sponsors of the Moscow Open 2009 Chess Festival and the International Children's Chess Tournament of the member states of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.

Having been elected chairman of the RCF Supervisory Board in 2010, Dvorkovich tried to push Magomedov to the post of chairman of her board. He did not succeed in doing this, but then the process had just begun. An active friend David Kaplan, who, with the assistance of the President of the International Chess Federation (FIDE) Kirsan Ilyumzhinov, its development director and representative in Moscow, took an active part in it. In the same year, Ilyumzhinov himself, with the active support of fellow bankers, was re-elected to the post, despite the resistance of former world champions Anatoly Karpov and Garry Kasparov.

Magomedov and Kaplan created together with FIDE the Chess Network Company with the rights to attract sponsors for chess tournaments for 80% of the fees. It was also planned to hold a world-wide tournament via the Internet with a prize pool of $ 1 billion and build a giant round-the-clock chess center Chess-planetarium. And also to create a CNC news agency (Chess Network Company), which should become an analogue of Reuters for chess, hold a championship among robots and launch mass production of "Chess Boards", which Daniyal invented at the age of 11 by the brilliant son of Ziyavudin Gadzhievich ...

Actually, all this ended in nothing. Ilyumzhinov and Dvorkovich did not agree on the intricacies of their project and quarreled to death.

Springboard that surprised Putin

While Magomedov made Dvorkovich’s chess gold, his cousins ​​performed a similar operation with ski jumping. Having learned that Russia was planning to hold the XXII Winter Olympics in Sochi, Magomed Bilalov, with the assistance of the Tkachev administration, became the owner of the Gornaya Karusel ski resort and Krasnaya Polyana OJSC with plots in the Olympic construction site by 2006.

In July 2007, Sochi officially became the Olympic capital. According to the Olympic construction program, an Olympic media village with 2658 numbers is being built in Gornaya Karusel, and Krasnaya Polyana is commissioned to build a ski jump complex with money from Sberbank and VEB Bank. It was envisaged that, after the completion of the games, the facilities would be transferred to the state-owned Resorts of the North Caucasus OJSC, headed by Akhmed Bilalov. He also controlled the facilities under construction by his brother as vice-president of the Russian Olympic Committee, but not too strictly. For example, he defiantly did not notice how he received 1 billion rubles. from Sberbank, transferred money to accounts owned by the brothers of the National Bank for Business Development, and on behalf of Krasnaya Polyana, he issued a loan at the bank with the corresponding interest. This operation alone brought Bilalov 45.5 million rubles, followed by others, and new money was required from Moscow.

As a result, the jumps were built almost three years late, and they cost 8 billion rubles. instead of the originally planned 1.2 billion. "Well done! You work well! ”- Putin commented with mockery these figures, voiced by Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Kozak. In a matter of days, the elder brother lost his posts in the Olympic Committee and “Resorts of the North Caucasus”.

An audit of the Accounts Chamber showed that Akhmed Gadzhievich not only twisted the state money allocated for the development of resorts in his bank, but also spent it on himself and his retinue. In 2011-2012 alone, over 350 million rubles were spent on hospitality expenses, business trips to Switzerland and other pleasant countries, and in general to maintain effective managers. On their own charter flights to European countries and the United Arab Emirates, the main "resort" spent 80 million, preferring even to get from the airport to the hotel by helicopter.

Criminal proceedings were instituted against the Bilalovs, and they urgently went abroad. The controlling stake in Krasnaya Polyana was transferred to the branch of Sberbank, Sberbank Capital, while Resorts of the North Caucasus were headed by Maxim Bystrov, Deputy Presidential Envoy to the North Caucasus Federal District. On October 23, it became known that Akhmed Bilalov was arrested in the United States in connection with a violation of the rules of stay on a non-immigrant visa. On October 31, he was released on bail pending trial, during which the issue of deportation will be decided.

The Magomedovs, at first glance, everything continued to go smoothly, including on the fronts of the construction of sports facilities. The contracts were concluded one after another. Particularly lucky was the Impex affiliate, which was honored to build the football stadium in Kazan for the XXVII World Summer Universiade. However, the collapse and flight of the Bilalovs made their relatives think about the possible vicissitudes of their own destiny.

Medvedev to the kingdom!

The Magomedovs could not fail to understand that Dmitry Medvedev was the main guarantor of their well-being, and were extremely interested in continuing to at least legally remain so. They did not interfere openly in politics - Dvorkovich was engaged in it, who tried very hard to move the boss to re-nomination. In an interview with the Air Force on December 10, 2010, the presidential aide emphasized that Medvedev “definitely wants this.” Other prominent system liberals started talking about Medvedev’s second presidency as a settled case. For example, the general director of the Rusnano corporation Anatoly Chubais and his party Just Cause, one of the co-chairs of which was Leonid Gozman, adviser to Chubais. The “just cause” was supposed to be included in the “second term coalition”. They also tried to involve influential regional leaders such as Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov and promising young politicians such as Just Russia spokesman Dmitry Gudkov.

They didn’t forget about the “power wing”, which was supposed to be created with the help of the Combat Brotherhood of the Moscow Region Governor, Colonel General Boris Gromov, by combining local war and war conflict veterans. The option of attracting Cossack units tied to Tkachev was also considered. The Krasnodar governor himself then did not hesitate to declare that "Cossacks are a people like Russians, Tatars, Mordvinians," and the land of the region, "by and large, did not belong to the Russian Empire, it belonged to the Caucasian peoples, Circassians." Between the lines it was easy to read: if you don’t execute our program in Moscow, we can separate.

The program was already ready. It was developed by the Institute for Contemporary Development (INSOR), which became the “think tank” of the Medvedev team back in 2006, when he supervised national projects as the first vice-premier. The INSOR Board of Trustees was chaired by the president himself, and the board, among others, included the Magomed "theater", PR manager Chubais and the spouse of Medvedev's press secretary Adexander Budberg.

The Institute’s report, published on February 3, 2010, provided for not only liberalization of the economy, but also the elimination of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the FSB, as well as joining NATO. Earlier, INSOR Chairman Igor Yurgens said that if elected for a third term, Putin risks becoming a fading leader in the Brezhnev style.

Maidan Kozlov and Baranovsky

The intrigues of the “second-term party” did not stop even when “United Russia” officially nominated Putin for president, and Medvedev was guaranteed the post of prime minister while preserving his team’s business.

“Yes, there is no reason for joy,” Dvorkovich commented on Putin’s nomination. And when asked about the reasons for the absence of "United Russia" at the congress, he replied: "It is better to play hockey in the Luzhniki small sports arena."

The usual grumbling on the Internet? Not only. After the rallies on Bolotnaya Square against the falsification of the State Duma elections in December 2011 (with the participation of Gozman, Gudkov, Yurgens and other failed leaders of the “second term coalition”), the organizers made a meeting with Medvedev. At it, the leader of the Left Front, Sergei Udaltsov, suggested that Dmitry Anatolyevich “extend his authority for two years, postponing the presidential election until the completion of the political reform.” A strange statement for a radical communist? Not at all, if you recall that in the list of political prisoners whose protesters demanded the release, there were two characters completely untypical for the opposition party. The deputy chairman of the Moscow “Combat Brotherhood” Dmitry Baranovsky and the witness in his case are Alexei Kozlov, close to the Magomedovs.

The grandson of the legendary Soviet intelligence agent and Stalin's personal secretary for foreign affairs, Zoya Zarubina, worked as the director of Union Development CJSC with the deputy chairman of the Committee for Industrial Policy of the Federation Council, Vladimir Slutsker. Upon learning that Kozlov spent only $ 25,000 on his wife’s fur coat, Slutsker fired the embezzler. He decided to take revenge - to help Magomedov gain control over Iskoz OJSC, which was reconstructed on behalf of Slutsker, with a profit for himself. Areas of Moscow land owned by Iskozh were valued at $ 250 million. It was assumed that Kozlov, through a series of resales, would acquire 33.4% of the shares, and Suma would attach them to its 34%. The profit from the housing development of the Iskozh land was expected to be fantastic, but the operation failed. Kozlov received a sentence for fraud, but did not lose ties with the Magomedovs. And somehow magically turned into a political prisoner.

Oppositionists tried to disrupt Putin’s inauguration on May 6, 2012, but the Brotherhood and other serious people, including the Magomedovs, sidestepped. They saw that moment was missed. And so it happened.

There is a formal and informal version. The formal thing is that when the Investigative Committee and the Prosecutor General's Office revealed the thefts, then the prosecution of the Magomedovs began. There is an informal, which is expressed by many experts. Since the Magomedovs were tacitly a resource financial base for Medvedev’s entourage, in the period after the presidential election it was necessary to show that Medvedev didn’t have such a base, it should not and cannot be, ”explains political analyst Dobromelov.

It is not surprising that the distrust of the Magomedovs in the Kremlin was growing. A shaft of incriminating evidence fell upon them, including publications about possible involvement in the drug business. In parallel, in Kaliningrad, an investigation of the theft of budget funds during the construction of a football stadium began. The main person involved was the Globalalelectroservice company affiliated with Summa.

Between Surkov and Mask

The brothers immediately rushed to demonstrate loyalty to the old new president. In 2012–13, Ziyavudin acquired seats in two organizations close to the head of state: the Presidential Council for Economic Modernization and Innovative Development of Russia and the Board of Trustees of the Valdai International Discussion Club Development and Support Foundation. Knowing the love of judo master of sports in judo Putin for martial arts, he acquired the shares of the promotion company of fighting without rules Fight Nights. He financed many fighters, including the future world champion Khabib Nurmagomedov.

Magomed, elected chairman of the Night Hockey League, founded by Putin, did not lag behind his brother either. Before this, the Novorossiysk Commercial Port became the main sponsor of matches in which retired hockey stars politely allow the president to score as many goals as he wants.>

Another symbolic step was the opening of a common business for Ziyavudin's wife Olga Shipilova and wife of the head of the government apparatus, Vladislav Surkov, Natalya Dubovitskaya. The ladies acquired a stake in the Beef Bar metropolitan restaurant - of course, not for the sake of money, but to demonstrate positions in the Kremlin Olympus. Ziyavudin Magomedov felt his position was so strong that, having previously bought a blocking stake in Transcontainer, he decided to purchase his controlling stake from Russian Railways. And since Vladimir Yakunin, who did not like the Avar, did not want to sell categorically, he addressed a letter to the president.

It seemed that the Dagestanis had chances to become the main container carriers of Russia. At the time of the appeal to Putin, the investigation of GlobalElectroService was frozen, and the Bilalovs' criminal cases were completely closed, allowing them to return. However, a close examination between the cousins ​​reveals a fundamental difference. The Bilalovs never tried to oppose Putin's return to the Kremlin. In addition, after fleeing, they reconciled with the loss of business, did not go into politics, did not flirt with foreign businessmen unpleasant to the Kremlin, and did not intrigue against the Kremlin favorites.

The Magomedovs acted differently. Not sharing the spheres of influence in his native Dagestan with the owner of the Nafta Moscow group Suleiman Karimov, with the help of Kaplan, they wrote a denunciation to the French tax authorities. They sounded the ground about the possible acquisition of a high position in the Dagestan administration, right up to the chair of the head of the republic. They invested $ 300 million in Uber Technologies (mobile transportation services), Diamond Foundry (artificial diamond growing), and most importantly - in Hyperloop Transportation Technologies. Investments in the project of the ultra-high-speed hovercraft train of the annoying Roskosmos Ilona Mask amounted to over $ 100 million. Ziyavudin Magomedov became co-chairman of the board of directors of his company - and as it turned out in vain: the Kremlin did not approve.

Last Nurmagomedov Magomedova

The brothers had a chance to pay off: sell Transneft their shares in the Novorossiysk port. Ziyavudin refused and lost his last ally in the presidential entourage. The “sleeping” case of Globalalektroservice was instantly activated, and not only one - on March 31, 2018, the Magomedovs were detained on suspicion of fraud and theft of 2.5 billion rubles. Together with them, the head of Inteks Arthur Maksidov was arrested.

“The situation was not critical while Dvorkovich retained the post of deputy prime minister. However, in May 2018, he did not get into the new Cabinet. After that, the situation was complicated by a number of large players, including the Magomedovs. The investigation was gaining momentum, they raised the question of the extradition of Bilalov, who lived in Florida, ”political analyst Dmitry Abzalov said in a conversation with the“ Company ”.

Quarreling with the whole world at once is hardly reasonable. It is not surprising that the Magomedovs are eventually sitting, and the list of crimes attributed to their team is constantly updated. And not only the stories of the development of state procurement budgets. At the end of September, the former director of the Podolsk Electromechanical Plant Murman Zakaradze and David Kaplan, one of the leaders of Stroynovatsiya LLC and the former co-owner of the Snoras bank in Lithuania, were arrested in absentia. It is the latter that the investigation considers the brothers' trustee. Both of those arrested in absentia are wanted in connection with the thefts at the Kaliningrad airport and during the construction of the Kyzyl – Kuragino railway.

Kaplan, who fled to Israel and hid in Georgia, Zakaradze, until they surrender the Magomedovs. But the lawyer Frenkel said that his client is ready to tell about the involvement of former partners in the murder of Kozlov. Additional details should be provided by the former security guards of Ziyavudin, convicted of beating a colleague who did not get along with the authorities.

The sale of assets such as a stake in the Novorossiysk port, which was ceded to Transneft, does not help: the proceeds for the shares of $ 750 million were arrested. It was assumed that the money would be used to pay the debts of YATEC, and now it can simply be taken away for them. Earlier, Sberbank, so benevolent of the Magomedovs, has already filed a lawsuit for 4.4 billion rubles. Under arrest, the accounts of most companies in the clan, and the number of these companies is reduced. Declared bankrupt Stroynovatsiya. The shares in Transcontainer and OZK were taken by VTB Kremlin Bank. Even Olga Shipilova’s restaurant went to the ex-wife of the head of Rosneft Igor Sechin, and the attempt to transfer her husband’s property to her using a fictitious divorce was crushed by the Moscow City Court.

... The Magomedov empire is crumbling, and former friends diligently pretend that they were not standing nearby. Medvedev is silent. Dvorkovich now swears that he had nothing to do with the business of a university friend.

“Naturally, I know Ziyavudin Magomedov and his brother. We studied together and met a lot, but I was in no way involved in the business of their companies or in any current work, except for the charity work that they carried out. I took part in many charity projects, as I do in similar projects of a huge number of Russian companies, ”he said in an interview with RBC.

Relations with the Magomedovs had previously been interrupted by the family of presidential press secretary Dmitry Peskov, who previously loved to relax with them. And only the faithful Khabib Nurmagomedov naively asks the president to help his beloved sponsor. After all, a person who has invested in Khabib 200 million rubles acquired by excessive labor cannot be bad!